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The chancellors decision to spare the public sector from the increase in national insurance but not to include general practices, where 90% of patient contacts happen, is聽a clear example of the Treasurys failure to support much-needed change Services for most-vulnerable people at risk after NICs rise, charities say, 1 November .The Treasury chief secretary, Darren Jones, justified this by saying that many GP practices are private businesses, but a way must be found to ensure that investment in GPs and their staff is not continually held back. It is difficult to see Wes Streeting achieving his desire to see primary care playing a greater role while taking away money from general practice.A failure to match the numb stanley spain er of GPs to the increase in the number of patients registering with them has led to practices operating triage systems that allocate patients to the first available clinician and thereby reduce continuity of care, which is shown to improve bot stanley cups h outcomes and patient satisfaction. Triage can reduce waiting times appropriately for more urgent needs, but quicker access to a clinician who does not know you is not what many patients want or need.A past focus on making savings has led to hospitals becoming less efficient too. In order to save money, beds have been closed to a level far below comparable countries, resulting in hospital bed occupancy being close to, or above, 100% in recent years. There is ample evidence that bed occupancy vaso stanley above 85%-90% causes hospitals to Qbmt Extremist prisoners to be held in separation centres inside jails
When Gordon Brown became Prime Minister, he promised to be guided by his moral compass . But exercising power often involves choosing not between polar opposites of right an vaso stanley d wrong, but between greater and lesser evils.What, for example, should a Prime Minister do when revelations due to be made in a high-profile court case risk compromising national security. Intervening would threaten judicial independence and violate constitutional p stanley cup rinciple, but failing to act could cost lives.It is in those terms that Tony Blair presented his decision in 2006, along with then Attorney General Lord Goldsmith, to order the Serious Fraud Office to abandon its investigation of alleged corruption in a multi-billion-pound arms deal between Saudi Arabia and BAE Systems. The Saudi royal family had made clear that continuing the investigation would jeopardise intelligence co-operation, which could, in turn increase the risk of a terror attack on British soil. Mr Blair acquiesced.But that decision, interpreted by Mr Blair as expediency for the greater good of the nation, was last week interpreted by the High Court as capitulation to blackmail, perversion of justice at the whim of a foreign state and a symptom of overweening executive power.The High Court s version is more convincing than Mr Blair s. There is no evidence that Downing Street agonised over its decision or tried to stand up for judicial sovereignty. Instead, the governmen stanley cup t leapt on national security as a pretext to kill off an inqu |
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